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发帖数: 29576 | 1 鑰佸ご绐佺劧鍙戠幇鍐滀笟宸炲熀鏈洏鍑哄彛澧ㄨタ鍝ュ緢澶氱伯椋br />
鈥業 was all
set to terminate鈥 Inside Trump鈥檚 sudden shift on NAFTA鈥業 was all set
to terminate鈥 Inside Trump鈥檚 sudden shift on NAFTA
President Trump was set to announce Saturday, on the 100th day of his
presidency, that he was withdrawing from the North American Free Trade
Agreement 鈥the sort of disruptive proclamation that would upend both
global and domestic politics and signal to his base that he was keeping his
campaign promise to terminate what he once called 鈥渁 total disaster鈥and
鈥渙ne of the worst deals ever.鈥br />
鈥淚 was all set to terminate,鈥Trump said in an Oval Office interview
Thursday night. 鈥淚 looked forward to terminating. I was going to do it.鈥br />
There was just one problem: Trump鈥檚 team 鈥like on so many issues 鈥
was deeply divided.
As news of the president鈥檚 plan reached Ottawa and Mexico City in the
middle of the week and rattled the markets and Congress, Commerce Secretary
Wilbur Ross, Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue and others huddled in
meetings with Trump, urging him not to sign a document triggering a U.S.
withdrawal from NAFTA.
Perdue even brought along a prop to the Oval Office: A map of the United
States that illustrated the areas that would be hardest hit, particularly
from agriculture and manufacturing losses, and highlighting that many of
those states and counties were 鈥淭rump country鈥communities that had
voted for the president in November.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), explained
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鈥淚t shows that I do have a very big farmer base, which is good,鈥Trump
recalled. 鈥淭hey like Trump, but I like them, and I鈥檓 going to help them.
鈥br />
By Wednesday night, Trump 鈥who spent nearly two years as a candidate
railing against the trade agreement 鈥had backed down, saying that
conversations with advisers and phone calls with the leaders of Canada and
Mexico had persuaded him to reconsider.
Recalling his late Wednesday conversation with Mexican President Enrique Pe
帽a Nieto, Trump said, 鈥淗e said to me, 鈥業 would really appreciate if we
could negotiate instead of you terminating, because terminating sets a lot
of things in motion that could be pretty devastating for a lot of people.鈥
欌鈥br />
Trump鈥檚 declaration to withdraw from NAFTA, followed by his abrupt
turnabout, was the latest in a series of sudden policy shifts and outright
reversals in the frenzied lead-up to his 100th day in office, reflecting a
president desperate to notch tangible victories and to offer the impression
of forward momentum. It was also another example of the inherent tension
between the fiery populist, who ran on a promise to upend Washington, and
the pragmatic businessman, who is eager to score wins and is easily
influenced by a cadre of chief executive friends and top advisers, many with
Wall Street pedigrees.
Trump announced that he was not labeling China a currency manipulator, after
months of promising to do so on Day One of his presidency. And he declared
NATO 鈥渘o longer obsolete,鈥after months of saying it was.
He threatened to shut down the government over the border wall, only to
retreat on funding for an actual brick-and-mortar structure. And he tasked
his team with drafting a complex overhaul of the nation鈥檚 tax code only to
suddenly announce, surprising even his own aides and advisers, that he
expected a proposal to be rolled out within days.
In some ways, as Trump nears the 100-day mark of his presidency, he is
arguably beginning to find his footing, concentrating on core issues that
have always animated him (trade) and others that captivate his business side
(taxes). By refocusing on questions of trade and the economy, Trump has
returned to more familiar and comfortable territory 鈥the nationalistic
populism that has defined him since the 1980s.
鈥淭he president has put himself in a perfect position on NAFTA because
folks know he鈥檚 inclined [to be] negative on NAFTA, yet he鈥檚 open to
negotiating,鈥said Chief of Staff Reince Priebus. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a good spot to
be. The leverage is all with the president.鈥br />
Unlike his first failed attempt at passing a Republican replacement for
President Barack Obama鈥檚 health-care law, Trump and his team are directing
as much activity as possible from within the West Wing, relying on
executive orders rather than the more unwieldy but durable process of
legislation.
But the approach has worried and alienated many of his closest allies, on
Capitol Hill, on K Street and abroad. And it has showcased a president who
often seems more interested in short-term accomplishments 鈥and positive
cable news headlines 鈥than longer-term policy goals guided by ideology,
and who can be swayed by unfolding events or compelling arguments from
whomever he talks to last.
鈥淚 think they鈥檙e just going to act whenever they can on executive action
,鈥said Chris Ruddy, the chief executive of Newsmax, a conservative media
company, and a longtime friend of Trump鈥檚. 鈥淭he problem is it鈥檚 very
temporary, but he wants to get things done, and trade has always been one of
his big issues.鈥br />
Trump, Ruddy added, 鈥渋s a business guy. He thinks that America gets a bad
part of these deals, and he wants to renegotiate them.鈥br />
鈥楢ll over the map鈥br />
With Saturday鈥檚 100-day marker fast approaching,
and eager for a win, the president turned his attention to taxes.
Trump had privately groused that he wished he had tackled taxes before
trying to push through health care, a view magnified by some outside friends
and confidants. Even something more modest than the full overhaul for which
he hoped, such as cutting corporate tax rates, they said, would provide the
president and his base with an energizing triumph.
But it was an April 19 op-ed in the New York Times, titled 鈥淲hy Are
Republicans Making Tax Reform So Hard?鈥and penned by Steve Forbes, Larry
Kudlow, Arthur Laffer and Stephen Moore, that helped propel Trump to act.
The op-ed, written by conservatives who have strong influence within the
White House, said an overhaul of the tax code would give Trump a much-needed
鈥渓egislative victory鈥and complained that the White House 鈥渟eems to
be all over the map on the subject.鈥It called on the administration to
move quickly on a tax proposal, not to overthink it and to push forward 鈥渨
ith some degree of urgency.鈥
Trump saw the op-ed right as he was becoming restless with the success of
his economic agenda.
The White House rushed to engage the op-ed鈥檚 authors and reassure the
economic conservatives who have privately complained about Trump鈥檚
nationalistic streak on trade and the lack of action of taxes.
When Kudlow and Moore gathered a group of conservatives Tuesday evening at
Cafe Berlin, a white-tablecloth German restaurant on Capitol Hill, Treasury
Secretary Steven Mnuchin stopped by, even though he was not scheduled to
attend.
鈥淲e texted him and said, 鈥楥ome by if you鈥檇 like,鈥欌鈥Kudlow said.
鈥淲ell, he did, and he spoke for two or three minutes and took questions.
鈥br />
鈥淓veryone looked around and said, 鈥楾his is the Steve we knew during the
campaign,鈥欌鈥Kudlow added, referring to Mnuchin鈥檚 enthusiasm for
sweeping tax cuts.
On April 21, two days after the op-ed ran, Trump announced in an interview
with the Associated Press that his advisers would be releasing a tax plan by
the following Wednesday, or 鈥渟hortly thereafter.鈥br />
Some aides working on the plan were stunned, caught unaware of the expedited
timeline.
Still, they reasoned, maybe 鈥渟hortly thereafter鈥meant they could unveil
the plan a week or two later. But hours after the AP interview, during an
appearance at the Treasury Department, Trump stood beside Mnuchin and told
reporters that the tax plan would come out Wednesday.
The proposal unveiled that day offered some specifics 鈥cutting the
corporate tax rate to 15 percent and collapsing seven tax brackets down into
three 鈥but was vague in other areas, including just how the government
would pay for it. Critics seized on the one-page printout the White House
distributed Wednesday with details of the tax plan as the flimsy embodiment
of its lack of depth.
鈥淚t was a restatement of bullet points that Larry Kudlow and Stephen Moore
drafted on the back of a cocktail napkin at the 21 Club,鈥quipped one
longtime Washington Republican in contact with the White House.
But the tax proposal 鈥unveiled with great fanfare in a midday briefing
with reporters 鈥achieved several of Trump鈥檚 key objectives, garnering
him a day of largely positive headlines; laying at least a baseline marker
for a top policy goal; and reassuring Americans, many of whom voted for the
promise of a businessman commander in chief, that pocketbook relief would be
arriving by next tax season.
鈥淭he president was being ill-advised that he had to repeal Obamacare
before passing taxes,鈥said Sam Nunberg, a former Trump adviser. 鈥淭he
two are mutually exclusive.鈥br />
Kudlow spent Wednesday at the White House,
chatting with top officials following the rollout of a plan that many
credited him with helping to spur.
鈥淚f we helped, I鈥檓 very pleased,鈥Kudlow said. 鈥淚 think the
president has set a terrific tax reform, economic growth marker.鈥br />
Still, he dismissed the suggestion that he was the impetus for Trump鈥檚
swift action on taxes.
The president, Kudlow said, 鈥渏ust wants to move. He鈥檚 been tied in knots
on health care, and he had an impulse to get it together on taxes.鈥br />
鈥楢mbush鈥br />
Canada and Mexico were blindsided Wednesday as news of Trump鈥
檚 planned NAFTA withdrawal spread north and south of the border.
Arturo Sarukhan, a former Mexican ambassador to the United States, described
the news as a 鈥渕y way or the highway ambush鈥from the White House,
especially coming amid what has been weeks of steady and amicable
discussions among the three countries about revamping the trade agreement.
But Mexico 鈥which was already on edge following Trump鈥檚 brief
flirtation with attaching border-wall funding to a must-pass, short-term
spending bill 鈥quickly leapt to action. Two cabinet-level officials in
Mexico reached out to their U.S. counterparts to deliver a blunt message: If
Trump officially announced the U.S. intention to withdraw from NAFTA,
Mexico would not return to the negotiating table.
Mexico would not, the officials warned, negotiate with 鈥渁 gun to its head.
鈥br />
The president, meanwhile, was hearing a similar message from some of his own
senior advisers. Ross, the commerce secretary, and Jared Kushner, the
president鈥檚 son-in-law, scrambled to persuade Trump to back down.
The United States can only trigger the six-month clock to withdraw from
NAFTA once, they said. They told the president that he had strong leverage
to renegotiate the trade deal but that once he publicly signaled his intent
to leave, the situation would become so politically fraught for Canada and
Mexico that they would not be able to return to negotiations, even if they
wanted to.
In the Oval Office interview, however, Trump repeatedly insisted that he was
ready to pull out of NAFTA. At one point, he turned to Kushner, who was
standing near his desk, and asked, 鈥淲as I ready to terminate NAFTA?鈥br />
鈥淵eah,鈥Kushner said, before explaining the case he made to the
president: 鈥淚 said, 鈥楲ook, there鈥檚 plusses and minuses to doing it,鈥
and either way he would have ended up in a good place.鈥br />
Perdue, the agriculture secretary, and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson also
cautioned Trump against moving ahead, while two of the White House鈥檚
populists, trade adviser Peter Navarro and chief strategist Stephen K.
Bannon, urged him to stay the course, announcing his intention to withdraw
in a splashy prime-time rally Saturday night in Harrisburg, Pa.
The administration also received pressure from hundreds of business
executives from around the country, many of whom called the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce, asking what was going to happen, before calling the White House
directly, urging Trump not to sign the order.
Tom Donohue, the chamber鈥檚 chief executive, also relayed the message to
senior White House officials.
The complaints pouring in from agriculture groups were even more apoplectic,
warning White House officials that withdrawing from NAFTA could devastate
the U.S. agriculture industry, allowing Mexico to reinstate high tariffs
against U.S. exports.
The Mexican government, meanwhile, had 鈥渟everal鈥contacts with its
Canadian counterparts throughout the day Wednesday to share reactions and
map out a joint strategy, including separate phone calls between their
countries鈥leaders and Trump that evening.
鈥淲e had the same position,鈥said Mexican Foreign Minister Luis Videgaray
on Thursday in an interview on Mexican television.
Trump publicly claimed Thursday that his phone calls with Pe帽a Nieto and
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau persuaded him to give negotiations a
chance.
But a senior administration official said Trump had already decided to hold
off on signing the NAFTA termination letter before his phone calls with
Mexico and Canada.
In the interview, Trump recounted his internal deliberations: 鈥淚n one way,
I like the termination. In the other way, I like them 鈥a lot, both of
them. We have a very good relationship. And it鈥檚 very hard when you have a
relationship, it鈥檚 very much something that would not be a nice act. It
would not be exactly a friendly act.鈥br />
But, the president added, he reserves the right to change his mind. 鈥淚 can
always terminate,鈥Trump said. 鈥淭hey called me up, they said, 鈥楥ould
we try negotiating?鈥I said, 鈥楢bsolutely, yes.鈥If we can鈥檛 come to
a satisfactory conclusion, we鈥檒l terminate NAFTA.鈥br />
Promises unfulfilled
A few doors from the Oval Office, Bannon works out of what he calls 鈥渢he
war room,鈥a West Wing hideaway adjoining the chief of staff鈥檚 spacious
suite, from which Karl Rove and David Axelrod once worked.
Upon moving in, Bannon cleared out most of the furniture, save for a
standing desk and chairs, and plastered the walls with lists of Trump鈥檚
campaign promises 鈥scores, even hundreds of them, with green check marks
or giant red X鈥檚 over those that have been met.
A list of 10 major pieces of legislation that Trump promised in his 鈥淐
ontract with Voters鈥hangs from near the ceiling down to the floor. None
is crossed out yet.
On Wednesday evening, around the time Trump was talking with his Canadian
and Mexican counterparts, one whiteboard contained an ominous marking: 鈥淣
AFTA鈥and 鈥淎pril 29.鈥It underscored Bannon鈥檚 hope that on Saturday
night, Trump would sign the paperwork initiating the withdrawal from NAFTA.
Indeed, that same whiteboard contained other trade-specific actions, many
boasting already checked-off promises.
Withdrawing from the Trans-Pacific Partnership? Check. Action on the
aluminum and steel industries? Check and check.
One of the few unfulfilled, so far, was NAFTA. | i*****9
发帖数: 3157 | 2 Trump骂一句“狗娘养的”，主流媒体就会用一堆报道来证明他的娘是人不是狗，所以
Trump说谎了。
这时候Trump再骂一句“婊子养的”，主流媒体就宣布Trump承认了错误，然后拉着民主
党粉开始欢庆胜利。
all set
his
and
【在 T**********e 的大作中提到】
: 鑰佸ご绐佺劧鍙戠幇鍐滀笟宸炲熀鏈洏鍑哄彛澧ㄨタ鍝ュ緢澶氱伯椋br />
: 鈥業 was all
: set to terminate鈥 Inside Trump鈥檚 sudden shift on NAFTA鈥業 was all set
: to terminate鈥 Inside Trump鈥檚 sudden shift on NAFTA
: President Trump was set to announce Saturday, on the 100th day of his
: presidency, that he was withdrawing from the North American Free Trade
: Agreement 鈥the sort of disruptive proclamation that would upend both
: global and domestic politics and signal to his base that he was keeping his
: campaign promise to terminate what he once called 鈥渁 total disaster鈥and
: 鈥渙ne of the worst deals ever.鈥br />
| f****g
发帖数: 23666 | 3 然后楼主会用嘴接了主党的这些屎尿洒到美新版来恶心人
【在 i*****9 的大作中提到】
: Trump骂一句“狗娘养的”，主流媒体就会用一堆报道来证明他的娘是人不是狗，所以
: Trump说谎了。
: 这时候Trump再骂一句“婊子养的”，主流媒体就宣布Trump承认了错误，然后拉着民主
: 党粉开始欢庆胜利。
:
: all set
: his
: and
| T**********e
发帖数: 29576 | 4 鍏跺疄鑰佸ご缂撲竴涓嬫病鍟ヤ笉濂斤紝閫嚭NAFTA楠ょ劧杩佸姩 澶缁忔祹鍒╃
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: 锟 and
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